Tag Archive: ALTA CALIFORNIA


 

 1833

by Kyle E. Petersen

Cattle: meat–fat–hide–animal.  How many heads of cattle were there?  How many hides?  This was the number that they really wanted.  The rest was useful but not nearly as profitable.  How much was an animal?  But how much was its hide?  How could the part be greater than the whole?  Father Ibarra –tall, long-muscled and balding– dismounted and stood shoulder-to-shoulder with the herd.

It was early morning and he was still comfortable in his thick wool robe, a southward breeze delivering the coolness of creeks from the still-shaded canyons behind the Mission, the scent of wet stones and rotting leaves.  Standing on the edge of the Cahuenga village he saw cook fires, or not the fires themselves but the slow coils of smoke rising above them, a disbursement of ghosts twisting into the slate sky.  The People.  He thought of the people first, pictured the mothers of villages dropping handfuls of kindling onto last night’s coals, readying breakfast, rousing husbands, sons, daughters.  These he had numbers for –baptisms, marriages, deaths – but their inventory was mere propriety on the government’s part.  Beyond their use as so many laborers, the state did not care who was lost and who was saved.

This is where they had agreed to meet but perhaps Rogério had confused it with one of their many other locations.  It was necessary to change locations frequently –the soldiers were all drunks but only one was needed to ruin everything.  God had brought them here, though.  Depending on this last exchange, they might be finished today.  Father Ibarra opened his ledger and reviewed the list.

Land:    10 Leagues E-W from Mts. Tujunga to Ataguama and 5 Leagues N-S from Rancho S. Francisco & Simi to Mts. Sanja.

Church:    40 x 6 varas, tile roof, board ceiliing, brick floor, adobe walls, three doors, seven windows.

Sacristy:    8 varas square, one door, one window.

Convento:    90 x 14 varas, tile roof, board ceiling, adobe walls, 13 windows, 2 doors, cellar.

Patio:    113 x 106 varas quadrangle, including carpenteria, tallow works, mill, distillery, girls’ dormitory, weavery, saddlery.

Soldier’s Quarters:    40 x 8 varas, tile roof, board ceiling, brick floor; three separate rooms with one window each.

Baptisms:    85: 46 adult Indians – 24 m, 22 f; 31 Indian children – 16 m, 15 f; 8 children de razon – 5m, 3f

Marriages:    24: 6 gente de razon

Deaths:    79: 49 adult Indians – 19 m, 30 f; 28 Indian children – 13 m, 15 f; 2 gente de razon, adult males.

Shops, estimated worth:    Tannery $600; Carpenteria $550; Blacksmith shop $700; Soapworks $430; Mills $675; Granaries $1,925; Tallow works $360; Weavery $345; Wine press $800; Distillery $900; Bakery $435.

Stock:    376 hides; 514 arrobas iron and steel; 60 arrobas wool; 13 barrels brandy; 63 barrels wine; 6 barrels oil; 8 barrels tallow.

Yields, fanegas:    500 wheat; 150 barley; 200 corn; 60 beans; 32,000 vines at $16,000; 1,600 fruit trees at $2,400.

Livestock:    866 sheep; 57 goats; 170 swine; 973 horses; 52 mules; ____ cattle.

It was offensive, this arithmetic.  Captain de la Guerra had ordered the inventory months ago but Ibarra had put it off until recently, the request an insult to everything the Mission stood for.  Then the idea struck him like a lost keepsake –a coin discovered in the pocket, a pressed flower found in a book.  It surprised him because it was so simple and should have occurred to him earlier, and because it was criminal and shouldn’t have occurred to him at all.  He was decided though –the whole matter met with His approval– and now the plan was almost complete.  The beauty of its execution was in the way that it mimicked the state’s own plan.  It’s a shame, he thought, that Alta California’s very first folletín should be so full of deception and lies…

 1.     The missions shall be converted into pueblos one by one as the territorial government may determine.

2.     Beginning at once without distinction with the missions nearest the four presidios, partidos or villas; then following without distinction with S. Buenaventura, S. Juan Capistrano, S. Luis Obispo, and S. Antonio; then the rest in succession –but not to be effected the first year in more than two missions in order to observe what is to be done later with the rest.

3.     The ranchos joined to each mission will continue to recognize the mission as its head.

4.     The new ayuntamiento will recognize as its head the presidio, partido or villa recognized in the last elections for diputados.

5.     Farming and grazing lands are to remain the property of these pueblos which will be composed of their neophytes and other such Mexicans as may wish to settle in them according to the following terms:

6.     To each neophyte family will be distributed a house lot 75 varas square and a field 200 varas square.  Details respecting equitable division of lands with regard to quality to be determined upon distribution.

7.     To each pueblo will be assigned an egido of 1 square league for each 500 head of live stock of good grazing land near the settlement.

8.     Within 6 months of the change of any mission into a pueblo, there shall be given to each family 3 cows, 3 horses, 3 sheep, a yoke of oxen, a mule or an ass; various implements for family and common use; and one year’s rations proportioned from the preceding crop.

9.     Other families will have lots and fields from those that remain.  No one may pasture in the egido over 50 cattle and 25 horses.

10.  All property thus distributed to be indivisible and inalienable for five years; neither can the settlers nor their heirs encumber this property with any mortgage or lien.

11.  The settlers to be governed by general, territorial and local laws and subject to tithes therein.

12.  Of similar purport, each individual to obey the laws of Mexico and California.

13.  Details respecting distribution of stallions, bulls, etc. to be later determined.

14.  Names of all individuals to be recorded with the distributions of property.

15.  The pueblos may keep the names of the missions, but the settlers may propose an other name of laudable origin to the diputado and to congress.

16.  The church and the rooms used for service and residence of the chaplain or curate are to be those now occupied.  The rest of the mission buildings will be devoted to uses of the ayuntamiento, prisons, barracks, schools, hospitals, etc. and the present dwellings of the neophytes will serve for pueblo officials.

17.  The livestock and other property remaining after the distribution will remain in charge of the administrator subject to the inspection of the ayuntamiento and of the diputado.  Remaining lands to the extent of 4 square leagues for 1,000 head of large stock and 3 square leagues for small stock, to serve for the support of flocks and herds; and expenses of labor, etc. to be paid from the product to the capital.

18.  From the remainder of said capital, rent of surplus lands, yield of vineyards, etc. will be paid the wages of a school master, hospital expenses, and other institutions of asylum, correction and instruction deemed necessary.

19.  The curates will continue to receive as the missionaries do now, $400 from the pious fund which will be increased to $700, $800, $900 or $1,000 according to the size of the pueblo, from the product of the funds in charge of the administrator.  If these funds be insufficient, the sum may be made up by a pro-rata tax on the funds of the other pueblos.

20.  The territorial government, with the approval of the general government, will provide in detail for whatever may seem best for the progress and well-being of each pueblo, acting provisionally as circumstances may demand.

21.  The missionaries may remain in charge of spiritual administration, receiving allowance of art. 19 or they may go to form new missions in ranchos not to be converted into pueblos, or at any other points in the interior.

El Plan para Convertir en Pueblos los Misiones –ex-Gobernador Echeandía’s final decree before leaving office.  Since the revolution in 1822, Ibarra knew that various, prominent men from the south had held the gobernador’s ear and whispered in it ideas about how mission pastures could be better utilized.  Opinions swayed so often from year-to-year and office-to-office that the threat of secularization eventually seemed natural but inert –a plague that periodically disrupted production but otherwise had no real affect on the farm.  Eventually, Father Ibarra simply lost interest in the question.  Then, nearly a decade later, on a chill, bright day in December, Gov. Victoria arrived at the Mission with thirty lancers in tow to defeat an uprising lead by his predecessor.  The flood of new information was overwhelming.  Victoria presented Echeandía’s decree to the Padre; it was the first time Father Ibarra had even heard of the document, let alone seen it: here are the plans to dissolve you, your mission and everything it contains, but I am here to stop it.  The irony was lost under the present circumstances.  The next day the two forces faced off below the Pass and though the local Dons retreated back to Los Angeles, Victoria was fatally wounded and returned to Mexico to die.  Pío Pico –rebel, secularist and friend of Echeandía– assumed the governorship and firstly reinstated his compatriot’s last decree.  Suddenly, the plague descended and the locusts were on the march.

There was a semblance of fairness in Echeandía’s Plan.  Phrases such as, “in view of the reports of the missionaries…” and “details respecting equitable division of lands with regard to quality…” and “to receive for a year rations proportioned…” attempted to trumpet an equitable transfer of goods and title.  But Father Ibarra knew better.  Naming their numbers before knowing their sum was so much mierda de vaca, as the vaqueros would say.  To neophytes will be distributed a house lot 75 varas square, 3 cows, 3 horses, 3 sheep  How could they possibly know that?! Ibarra railed in a letter (unresponsive) to Monterey.  They couldn’t –and that’s exactly what the state knew.  Inside the seemingly evenhanded articles of the Plan was the very language that simultaneously promised everything and nothing:  “…in view of the reports of the missionaries and in conformity with the diputado…” “…details respecting equitable division of lands with regard to quality to be determined upon distribution…”  “to receive for a year rations proportioned to the preceding crop…”  It was the objective followed by the subjective, the pledge with an escape clause, a house built on sand, the fingers crossed behind the back.  He had only to read it once to know that the contract was a total facade, a gesture to win the favor of the neophytes by dazzling them with so many varas, egidos and plazas, yokes, herds and flocks.  Which is why he never read it to them, and their lives at the Mission –on the surface at least– continued uninterrupted, ignorant of the hissing, gnashing swarm on the horizon.

It was article 21 that had inspired Father Ibarra’s counter-Plan, the single article he read over and over in disbelief of its ingenuous language:

The missionaries may remain in charge of spiritual administration, receiving allowance of art. 19 or they may go to form new missions in ranchos not to be converted into pueblos, or at any other points in the interior.

Reading it, he thought he knew what a bear must feel like when confronted with a bear trap, an odiferous, glossy piece of meat free for the taking…  But what is this box around it?  This rope?  This stick?  This door?

He chose Rancho San Francisco, the Mission’s asistencia, a now defunct outpost that once served as both working ranch and recruitment center.  Built in 1808 at the confluence of the Castaic and Santa Clara creeks, the station was originally designed to introduce the interior tribes to the Mission.  Now, having served its purpose, the outpost existed as a small ranch, absorbing, when needed, the overflow of Mission cattle onto its brush-choked leagues.  Two long, rectangular adobes, a kiln, granary and sacristy –officially, the ranch belonged to San Fernando and, so, was subject to Article 3 of Echeandia’s Plan: The ranchos joined to each mission will continue to recognize the mission as its head  But, located some twenty-odd miles north of the Mission, over the Pass and across an entirely different valley, Rancho San Francisco was largely forgotten, was not thought of as a Mission ranch alongside Encino, Cahuenga, Tujunga and the rest.  And this –the obscurity of the place– was the peg that the priest hung his plan on, a stick propped beneath the door to hold it open while he stole the meat.

Rogério rounded the sea of muscled shoulders and twisting horns like fog slipping around a mountain.  Ibarra trusted him because he was smart, because he could ask Rogério to do something without explaining how it should be done.  They had slaughtered 900 so far, in 50-count lots, and the shops were literally overflowing with a glut of product –tallow, beef, tripe, horn: everything except the hides.  They had celebrated every single Saint’s Day so far this year, the soldiers kept drunk on wine and brandy, and somehow Rogério had kept the people quiet.  He hadn’t asked him for an explanation yet, but he suspected that the chief knew a scheme was afoot.

“Buenos días, Rogério.”  He studied the Indian’s face for a result of the latest transaction.

“Buenos días, Padre,” Rogério smiled and then lowered his eyes.

“Let us pray.”

The two men turned to the east and each took a knee.  They began with the Lord’s Prayer followed by a request that He watch over the people and deliver them safely from these troubling times.  This last was meant to pique Rogério’s curiosity –it was time, Ibarra felt, to tell his friend.  But when they finished and stood, Rogério did not hesitate and returned directly to his horse to fetch the coin.  He handed the father four leather sacks.

“How did it go?” Ibarra asked.

“It is fair,” Rogério shrugged.

“How much?”  He hefted the sacks.

“Dos cien pesos.”

“The woman with thirteen stars and the eagle?”

“Sí.”    

“Qué bueno, amigo.  Qué bueno…”

He wondered if he should just tell him, if now was a good moment.  He lingered on the chief’s face, waiting for him to look up, but Rogério only glanced up and away, back to the brown, lumbering masses.  They had nearly $2000 now.  He walked back to his horse and dropped the sacks in the saddlebag.  He didn’t want to press his luck but he also wanted a round number.  He asked Rogério how many cattle were left.

“Mil seisciento y cinquenta.”  1,650.

He took out his ledger and wrote 1,600 for cattle.

“Cinquenta mas, amigo.  One last time.”

Rogério nodded.  He placed a hand on the Indian’s shoulder and made the sign of the cross between them.  The chief bowed slightly before turning, a gesture of observance and farewell, and climbed atop his horse and nodded again.  He thanked and blessed Rogério out loud and watched as he aimed the young quarter horse in the direction of the calaveras.  The day was warming and Ibarra could feel his pours prick and open beneath the heavy wool robe.  He mounted his horse and looked north-northwest across the Valley, across the undulating brown knobs that trickled, smaller and smaller, into the furthest corner of the land.  He thought of their hot backs and the flies about their eyes and whether, when the carniceros drove the first spike into their heads, they felt any pain at all or simply went black, gone, like a flame dropped into water.

Father Ibarra sat at his desk in the cool, quiet safety of his room.  At the foot of his bed was a chest and in that chest was a safe, an all-iron box with bolts that passed through the bottom of the chest and into the floor.  He wore both keys around his neck at all times and knew at any given moment what was inside the safe.  Right now there was $5,134 in silver coin and nearly that amount in due credits.  He opened his ledger and wrote this at the bottom of the inventory.

Cash:                    $5,134 silver coin.

Credit:                  approx. $5,000; see list.

The buildings at $15,000; the shops at $8,000; the vines at $16,000 alone…  Fifteen square leagues: How much was it worth?  The people had worked this land for nearly forty years in exchange for a single, simple reward: salvation.  The lush satisfaction of the fruit groves, the weighted promise of the grapes, the sandy omnipresence of varas after varas of grain…  They had delivered themselves out of Egypt by turning it into an Eden, and would soon be asked to wander the very desert they had transformed.  Will.  Toil.  Hope.  What were they worth?  How much could they expect for all their years of expectation? 

He stepped over to the side of his bed and knelt before it as if to pray.  He pulled aside the rug and worked the tile loose from the floor.  Inside the hole were exactly seventy-two sacks.  Inside the hole was exactly $1,800 dollars in silver coin.  He dropped the four new sacks in with the rest and returned the tile to the floor, the rug over the tiles.  Soon he would have enough to start the People’s new mission.  Soon they would have enough to start again.

 

Kyle Petersen was born and raised in the San Fernando Valley.  ’1833′ is a chapter from an historical novel about his hometown.  He welcomes comments here at La Rosa Revue or you can email him at petersen.kyle@yahoo.com.

+++  He still can polish up a tarnished reputation.  With hard work, he can acquire the wealth he needs to live largely, after satisfying the family obligations that haunt him continually.  Reform now seems imperative to him.  He has real remorse for past actions.  This is played upon, perhaps unconsciously, by the Franciscan fathers who have become his friends.  They continually attempt to convert the likeable young Englishman to their faith.  Most of them feel like a priest he knew in Lima, who said of several such Protestant acquaintances: “Oh!  What a pity it is that such fine rosy-looking, good young men should all necessarily and inevitably go to Hell!”  ++  McCulloch maintained the usual attitude of Protestants who took up residence in Catholic countries where officially one’s religion must be changed either to own land or to marry.  He could satisfy the letter of the law without feeling a need for deeper inquiry and serious conversion.  Discussing the subject with Mr. Begg a few weeks after arrival in California, the Scotsman said:  ++  ’It has cost us a great deal of trouble & loss of time to be permitted to remain in the country on account of our religion, as the Padres expected that we would consent to be Baptized; however we convinced them that we could get that done to us without coming so far as this, so that by consenting to go on our knees & take off our hats on occasions we have settled all.’  ++  This compromise did not satisfy Hartnell, who had an urge toward the spiritual anchoring promised him by the friars, and even a desire for the catharsis of confession.  He was being drawn toward Catholicism as to a magnet, with his Church of England family too far away to see and protest a conversion.  He himself protested to the padre in whom he felt most confidence, Father Ripoll at La Purisima Mission:  ++  ’As yet, I have not advanced in Catholicism because, while I am going to know more than those who are called faithful, still I am not worthy of joining your company.  Nevertheless I do not fail to ask God to give me grace to know the right path if by chance I go astray.’ (translation) +++ 

+++  Don Luis listened sympathetically to Don Guillermo’s complaints.  Without forcing him to endure the long wait for permission to come from Mexico City, the Governor granted to Macala y Arnel the right “to trade in all the ports of California and also in all the landfalls and bays nearest the missions.”  This was a real triumph over competitors who were obliged to anchor either in San Diego or Monterey.  Arguello seemed reasonable about duties, and on May 21, 1823, had acceded to the partners’ request that they be granted land and permitted to build any needed warehouses, stores, or residences in the ports of Monterey and San Pedro.  ++  So the new firm became solidly established.  Others of the southern missions signed the contract, and Don Guillermo felt particularly jubilant when the richest of them all – San Gabriel, acknowledged queen of the missions – came into the fold.  He reached Macala on the eve of sailing with this good news.  Optimistic about the amount of trade soon to be expected, he gave his partner a number of last-minute commissions, such as:  ++  ’Bring a few thermometers with you, almost every mission would take one.  ++  ’I particularly request you won’t forget my encargo respecting my poor old mother, as it is a matter of the utmost consequence [at last he is able to send some money to his mother].  ++  ’When you return, bring me a Journal & Ledger, a large Horse Whip, Blacking & Shoe brushes, some good linen for shirts, some of the best flannel you can meet with for Flannel Jackets, a Latin and English dictionary if you can find one, & any other thing you may consider necessary for a 3 yrs. pilgrimage in this Country.  ++  ’Tell Dr. Wyllie that I am still alive but that I can’t possibly find time to write him a description of this wonderful country by word of mouth than I could in writing, I dare say he will feel no disappointment at my silence.  ++  ’With respect to all friends.’  ++  Hartnell’s friends did not forget him, and by almost every ship coming to the California coast he received communications from his family and old acquaintances in England and Germany, as well as business associates and drinking companions from Chile and Peru.  +++

+++  By the ‘Sir Francis Baring’ we shall write you more fully.  I expect to have her dispatched in three weeks from this with a cargo consisting chiefly of wheat.  ++  I flatter myself that it will give you pleasure to hear that I have entirely recovered from my illness and that now I enjoy better health than I have ever done since my arrival in South America.  ++ I am dear Sir,  ++  Your most obedient servant  ++  W. P. HARTNELL  ++  A second company vessel, the ‘Sir Francis Baring,’ had arrived from Lima early in August, with a miscellaneous cargo valued at $20,000.  At Cojo the unsold portion of the ‘John Begg”s cargo was transferred to the newly arrived brig, which then cruised northward.  A few weeks later Hartnell directed its return to Cojo to take on wheat, which commanded a high price in Peru.  ++  Not all of Hartnell’s troubles originated with Mr. Begg’s misinformation.  Don Juan Alvarado, in his manuscript ‘Historia de California,’ reports that when Don Guillermo first was shown the Mexican decree issued at the time of the opening of Monterey and San Diego to foreign trade, he exclaimed to the governor: “I am a lost man if you oblige me to bind myself to this law; it is too rigorous for me to conform to it and make profits for my consignees.”  ++  Investigation confirmed this opinion; and Sola’s successor, Don Luis Arguello, the first ‘hijo del pais’ (native son) to govern California, became convinced that his foreign friends could not continue to operate in California without the granting of certain privileges.  ++  Hartnell was invited once again to visit the governor’s residence.  After the customary exchange of compliments, the Englishman explained to His Excellency that the maintenance of a commercial house in the country necessitated freedom of more ports as well as permission to build warehouses in scattered sites along the coast.  Here produce could be kept, and he needed at least one store in which to sell at retail.  He also protested against excessively high duties on imports.  +++  … [Thus ends most of page 43 of Dakin's 'The Lives of William Hartnell] …

+++  …  The first vessel of McCulloch, Hartnell and Company was being dispatched.  McCulloch carried in his pocket a letter from the resident manager to Mr. Begg, explaining wherein and why they had been deceived about conditions in California.  The terse style is in interesting contrast to Hartnell’s diplomatic epistles in Spanish to the Franciscans, the ‘comandantes,’ and Governor Sola:  ++  SAN GABRIEL  ++  SEPTEMBER 18, 1822  ++  Messers. John Begg & Co.  ++  Lima  ++  GENTLEMEN:  ++  Mr. McCulloch will be the bearer of this letter; it will therefore be unnecessary for me to enter into any details respecting this country.  I have merely to say that although our first adventure has turned out so much worse than we had anticipated owing to the very erroneous information which you received respecting this part of the world, that I have not the least doubt but in the End your expectations will be realized.  ++  Since our arrival here we have had to combat with difficulties of every description, neither having goods suited to the market nor money to supply the want of them – but if a cargo be sent out agreeable to the note which will be shown you by Mr. McCulloch, with the addition of $10,000 to $12,000 dollars in cash we shall be able to command the trade of the whole province in a short time.  ++  The letters of recommendation which we brought with us from Cavenecia have been of no use to us whatever – he is far from being esteemed in California – the Missions in particular are very inveterate against him. This country is in a very different state now, to what it was when he was here.  It was then in want of everything and his was the only vessel that had been on the coast for a long time, consequently he got his own price for everything, and paid what he chose for what he exported, and all this without paying a farthing of duty [being in the days of Spanish rule when all foreign trade was prohibited and smuggling flourished without even a pretense of secrecy].  ++  The price of Hides it is true is much higher than you gave us to understand; but if you for a moment consider the trouble of preparing them for exportation you will be convinced that even if the cattle could be had for nothing, it would not be worthwhile for the mission to take the pains to stretch the hides, warehouse them & transport them for 10-12 leagues by land, for the paltry consideration of 3 ‘reales’ [a 'real' equaled 6 1/4 cents; and the new price was 1 'peso,' or 50 cents per hide.  The dollar sign was used for 'pesos']. … … [Thus ends the tail end of page 41, all of page 42 and the top of page 43 of the second chapter of Dakin's 'The Lives of William Hartnell'] … +++  

+++  … McCulloch, writing from San Diego on July 18, rather ungratefully remarks that “This is the Devil’s own hole, I think with all Monterey is the best place yet.”  ++  To Mr. Begg about the same time he says:  ”Monterey is a most excellent situation as in summer it is colder than England, and plenty of salt and salt petre [for preserving hides] is to be found a few leagues in the interior.”  ++  In addition, Monterey was the seat of authority, the capital of the country.  More than any other spot in California, it offered the cosmopolitan advantages of social interchange and contact with the world.  Both advantages the young men enjoyed.  They made friends among the Spanish families, and with a few foreigners who had taken up residence for one reason or another.  The Scot rather wistfully wrote up from the south:  ”Remember me to those Devils I left behind.”  ++  He repeatedly urged Hartnell to hurry down the coast aboard the ‘John Begg,’ feeling that the sight of a company ship might dispel the indifference of the southerners.  Besides, he realized the effectiveness of his partner’s business methods.  So presently, after loading produce at Yerba Buena (the old name for San Francisco) and Monterey, the ‘John Begg’ sailed southward.  At the missions and ‘presidios’ already visited by McCulloch, Hartnell now followed up with an exchange of brig merchandise for tallow, hides, et cetera, and with a further attempt to convince the padres and ‘paisanos’ that great advantages lay in patronizing the British firm.  He was handicapped by deficiencies in the ‘John Begg”s cargo and by a lack of funds.  The payment of duties at each port ate voraciously into his cash reserve.  ++  The young men met and conferred in the bay of El Cojo, near La Purisima Mission.  It was decided that McCulloch should return aboard the ‘John Begg’ to Callao, there (1) to choose goods adapted to the California market, (2) to secure a small craft suitable for cruising the coast, (3) to bring back a capable bookkeeper, and (4) to persuade Mr. Begg that more cash was a necessity.  ++  In September the ‘John Begg,’ carrying a cargo mainly of tallow consigned to Lima, lifted anchor in San Diego harbor. … … [Thus ends the tail end of page 40 and almost all of page 41 of the second chapter of Dakin's 'The Lives of William Hartnell.'] … +++

+++  Gloomily he prophesied: “There is and will be so many vessels to hand by the time you come that hardly a skin will be had.”  Competition made the padres independent and not anxious to be bound to a contract, particularly since Americans often offered twice as much per hide as the Scotman’s price.  ++  Macala did not secure many signatures, in spite of Payeras’ and Sola’s recommendations and the promise that no mission would be neglected during conveniently scheduled visits of his company ships to the coast.  Nor did the friars seem impressed by his frequent threat that the high cost of maintenance might force Macala y Arnel to leave the country, if assurance of a contract were not forthcoming.  ++  The Scotman’s business methods and brusque address, his contempt for time-wasting and hand-kissing, did not endear him to the easy-going Californians, although he spoke and wrote Spanish almost as well as his partner and was a more efficient person.  McCulloch’s instinct in appointing Hartnell resident manager had been true, for in his territory Don Guillermo continued to meet with success.  All the northern fathers signed the contract, with the exception of Altimira of San Francisco, whose mission still was in the process of construction, and the minister of San Rafael, who “had nothing to sell.”  Hartnell wrote this news to Payeras on July 8, 1822.  His most telling argument always was that “there is a great difference between the advantage of selling a small amount of hides at a somewhat high price, and that of having the assurance of selling all your produce, for three years at least, at reasonable prices, and this not counting the obligation we have undertaken to bring in all the requests made to us by the Missions.”  ++  The Englishman returned to Monterey and remained there most of the month of July, delivering goods, receiving tallow, and taking orders for the coming year from near-by missions and presidios.  For various reasons, the partners had agreed on Monterey as a more desirable site than San Diego for company headquarters, and released the southern grant so generously given during the first days of their arrival. … … [Thus ends the tail end of page 39, and almost all of page 40 of the second chapter of Susanna Bryant Dakin's 'The Lives of William Hartnell'] …  +++ 

+++  By grant of the king of Spain, mission lands stretched almost continuously along ‘El Camino Real’ the length of Alta California from San Diego to the shores of San Francisco Bay.  It is not strange that the padres, mostly Spanish Franciscans addicted to the old regime, pressed the traders, Hartnell in the north and McCulloch in the south, for enlightenment on the “new order.”  As yet it had caused little or no change in the interior of California, indeed nowhere save in the two ports, San Diego and Monterey, so recently opened to foreign trade.  ++  Everywhere the partners took orders, noted trading prospects, and tried to secure signatures to their contract.  Hartnell progressed more rapidly than McCulluch, encountering fewer difficulties.  Or perhaps he was better equipped to handle them.  ++  At the missions from Santa Ines southward the Scotsman met everywhere the same obstacle – competition.  Other traders in ‘his’ territory!  The American, William Gale, had appeared in California as supercargo on the ‘Sachem’ only a few weeks later than the arrival of Macala y Arnel on the ‘John Begg.’  Presently, hearing the news of open ports on the west coast, along came six or seven British ships, two Russian, two Mexican, and eight engaged in the Boston trade, disgorging traders, fur hunters, and whalers to swarm over California’s coast line.  So it seemed to McCulloch.  ++  Most ominous to the padres,  whose peaceful life was being disturbed by all these strangers, was the appearance of “an imperial Man o’ War” called the ‘San Carlos,’ sent out from San Blas to investigate any Franciscans rumored to resent the elevation of Iturbide as emperor of Mexico.  No evidence could be found of subversive activity originating in the missions, although a few priests, like the aristocratic Pedro Cabot, refused to swear allgiance to any other than the king of Spain.  Presently the open-door policy became as popular with the padres as with ‘paisanos’ and foreign traders.  ++  McCulloch estimated that a total of 16,000 hides could be expected from the southern missions, but not much tallow.  He urged Hartnell to get as much as possible from the northern section since, south of La Purisima, little was forthcoming. … … [Thus ends most of page 39 of the second chapter entitled 'Trader' of Susanna Bryant Dakin's 'The Lives of William Hartnell'] … 

+++  The saintly Junipero Serra remained a source of inspiration to succeeding padres.  The few still living who had made the dangerous journey in his footsteps were venerated for it.  Again and again the newcomers heard the tale of how, afoot and unarmed, this holy man and his followers had traversed the untracked wilderness between the last Franciscan mission of Baja California and San Diego.  Here they started the chain of missions in Alta California, and “saved the souls” of hundred of Indians dwelling in ignorance equally of Jesus’ love and the white man’s hell.  ++  The plan of each mission seemed similar.  Always quadrangular in shape, with an interior patio, and an exterior arched cloister, each customarily contained a church with a high bell tower, rooms for priests and travelers, kitchen and dining hall, storehouses, workrooms for the practice of various trades, and separate quarters for male and female Indian neophytes, the whole roofed over with heavy tiles varying in color according to location.  Local clay was used to make tiles, local mud, mixed with straw and baked in the sun, to form adobe bricks for the walls.  Periodically, both interior and exterior walls were treated to a preservative coat of whitewash (slaked lime made from sea shells or inland limestone).  ++  Each mission varied in size and appearance according to the ingenuity of the minister and his ability to energize Indian labor.  Some churches were decorated by Indian artists, adapting pagan technique to Christian concept; or with Spanish holy pictures, embroidered vestments, and lavish altarpieces from the mother country.  Some remained starkly simple in appearance.  Astonishing engineering feats were performed in the construction of tall bell towers from adobe bricks.  Sometimes they tumbled down during earthquakes, but quickly were rebuilt.  ++  Almost without exception, each establishment was surrounded by vegetable and flower gardens, vineyards, and orchards.  With tender care, the earliest padres had brought in slips and seeds, some carried overland from Baja California, and others shipped from South America or around the Horn from Spain.  Extending out beyond the cultivated areas were pasture lands, rolling hills or plains on which grazed countless horses and herds of black cattle.  … [Thus ends the tail end of page 37, and all of page 38 of the second chapter of Susanna Bryant Dakin’s biography entitled ‘The Lives of William Hartnell’} …+++

+++  … Addressed to the senior friar at each mission, they confirmed Payeras’ claims, promised “to do everything possible to merit your approval and friendship,” and enclosed a list of the ‘John Begg”s cargo from which orders could be made during an early visit by one or the other of the young merchants.  ++  McCulloch followed ‘El Camino Real’ (the King’s Highway laid out by the founding fathers) from mission to mission in a southerly direction.  Already, from lack of rain, the grass was turning brown, golden mustard had gone to seed, and wild flowers no longer were carpeting the level plains and softly rolling hills.  Seldom could a human habitation be seen, and then no more than a pile of dried-mud bricks met the traveller’s eye.  The country seemed as dry and empty as a seed pod in summertime.  The farther south McCulloch progressed, the fewer trees he saw, these more the size and appearance of shrubs.  Where in winter a raging torrent had made its way, there now remained an ‘arroyo seco.’  Where, during the rainy season, a lake had harbored ducks, geese, and all manner of adventurous fowl, there was a ‘tule’ march hiding only a few young ones and cripples too weak to sustain the spring flight northward to the Russian empire (today British Columbia and American Alaska, destinations of that eternal, yearly trek).  ++  The summer warmth set bees to buzzing and wild animals to dozing, and had its effect even on the energetic Scotsman.  He found it difficult to leave comfortable quarters in one mission and hurry to the next, even though his business future was at stake.  ++  ”No se apure.  Sientese, hito!” (Don’t be in a hurry.  Sit down, little son!)  More than once Macala heard such tempting words from a hospitable padre.  He was welcomed at each mission, questioned eagerly about the outside world, royally fed and rested, and usually given a fresh horse on which to continue.  He had only to let it go at his next stopping place.  ++  The missions were spaced about a day’s journey on horseback from each other, in commanding sites along ‘El Camino Real.’  At that time of year, they seemed green oases on dry, brown terrain.  Each establishment showed the herculean effort and ingenuity of founding fathers in making use of “converted” but frequently recalcitrant Indian labor. … … [Thus ends the tail end of page 36 and most of page 37 of the second chapter of Susanna Bryant Dakin's 'The Lives of William Hartnell'] … +++

Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.